Indicator 16.7.1 Proportions of positions in national and local institutions, including (a) the legislatures; (b) the public service; and (c) the judiciary, compared to national distributions, by sex, age, persons with disabilities and population groups

Indicator 16.7.1: Proportions of positions in national and local institutions, including (a) the legislatures; (b) the public service; and (c) the judiciary, compared to national distributions, by sex, age, persons with disabilities and population groups

Target 16.7: Ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels

Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)

Definition:

This metadata sheet is focused only on the first sub-component of indicator 16.7.1, namely on positions in national legislatures held by individuals of each target population (sex, age, persons with disabilities, and contextually relevant population groups).

The legislative sub-component of indicator 16.7.1 aims to measure how representative of the general population are the individuals occupying key decision-making positions in national legislatures. More specifically, this indicator measures the proportional representation of various demographic groups (women, age groups) in the national population amongst individuals occupying the following positions in national legislatures: (1) Members, (2) Speakers and (3) Chairs of permanent committees in charge of the following portfolios: Foreign Affairs, Defence, Finance, Human Rights and Gender Equality. Furthermore, it looks at the electoral and constitutional provisions adopted by countries to secure representation in national legislatures of persons with disabilities and contextually relevant population groups.

Concepts:

The indicator is based on the following key concepts and terms:

• National legislature: A legislature (alternatively called ‘assembly’ or ‘parliament’) is the multi-member branch of government that considers public issues, makes laws and oversees the executive.
  • Unicameral / bicameral parliaments: A legislature may consist of a single chamber (unicameral parliament) or two chambers (bicameral parliament). The organization of a country’s legislature is prescribed by its constitution. Around the world, about 59% of all countries have unicameral legislatures, while the remaining 41% are bicameral^[1]. To allow for a comprehensive analysis, this indicator will consider both chambers in bicameral parliaments.
• Member of Parliament (MP): A person who is formally an elected or appointed member of a national legislature. This metadata considers all members of lower and upper chamber regardless of the selection modality (direct election, indirect election and appointment).
• Speaker: A Speaker (alternatively called ‘president’ or ‘chairperson’ of the legislature) is the presiding officer of the legislature.
• Permanent committee (alternatively called ‘standing committee’): established for the full duration of the legislature and generally aligned with the specific policy areas of key government departments. For the purpose of SDG indicator 16.7.1(a), the permanent committees in charge of five portfolios are being considered: Foreign Affairs, Defence, Finance, Human Rights and Gender Equality.
• Permanent Committee Chair: A person designated to preside over the work of a permanent committee, selected through nomination by political parties, election by MPs, appointment by the Speaker, or other means.
• Disability: long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments which in interaction with various barriers may hinder the full and effective participation of disabled persons in society on an equal basis with others.^[2]
• Population group: The population of a country is a mosaic of different population groups that can be identified according to racial or ethnic, language, migration status, religious affiliation, sexual orientation, as well as disability status (UNECE). The indicator adopts a broad definition of population groups, not limited to minorities^[3] and indigenous peoples^[4], in order to capture all nationally relevant groups tracked by a given parliament, which depends on the constitutional and electoral measures in place to guarantee the representation of certain groups. Such measures sometimes extend to groups other than ‘minorities’, such as, for instance, occupational groups.^[5]

Number, Ratio, Percent (%)

The multiple data points pertaining to the parliamentary sub-component of indicator 16.7.1 will be compiled by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) based on information gathered in its New PARLINE database on national parliaments:

Data on age and sex of Members and Speakers:

The IPU already collects data from secretariats of national parliaments on an ongoing basis for New PARLINE. The Platform already provides up-to-date and disaggregated data on the following positions:

• Members: data disaggregated by sex and age.
• Speakers: data disaggregated by sex and age.
• Chairs of permanent committees on Human Rights and Gender Equality: data disaggregated by sex and age.

Data on age and sex of Chairs of permanent committee on Foreign Affairs, Defense and Finance:

Data on the sex and age of Chairs of permanent committees on Foreign Affairs, Defense and Finance New Parline, will be added to Parline in 2020 . This is building on the successful attempt made by the IPU in 2011 to collect sex-disaggregated data on committee Chairs, broken down by area of competence (see IPU, Gender-sensitive parliaments, 2011).

Data on disability and population group status of Members:

In the immediate future, data on the disability and population group status of individual members will not be collected. As explained above, (1) such characteristics are very rarely tracked by parliaments in a systematic way; (2) confidentiality and data protection concerns are likely to make such data collection challenging, if not legally impossible; (3) data on the representation of persons with disabilities or various population groups will likely be of limited potential use.

Instead, lists of electoral or constitutional provisions guaranteeing representation of persons with disabilities and various population groups in parliament are already compiled in the New PARLINE database (see ‘Reserved seats and quotas’ section) and will be used to report on this indicator.

In the future, it is recommended that the ‘Inclusion Survey’ (see Annex) be considered by the IPU’s network of national parliaments. In this survey, each member is asked to self-report on (1) levels of difficulty in performing activities in five^[6] core functional domains – namely seeing, hearing, walking, cognition and communication (the ‘Inclusion Survey’ is an adapted version of the standardized Short Set of Questions on Disability elaborated by the Washington Group), and (2) his/her affiliation to a national, ethnic, religious or linguistic minority group, or to an indigenous or occupational group, in keeping with the UN principle of self-identification with regards to indigenous peoples and minorities.

Given the potential sensitivity of disclosing information on population groups and disability, declaring and being transparent as to who is the sponsor of the Inclusion Survey can make respondents more comfortable. It is important for the sponsor to be a neutral entity independent from the employer institution, and to be able to protect the confidentiality of survey respondents. In this regard, organisations such as IPU and National Statistical Offices are particularly well positioned to administer the Inclusion Survey in national parliaments, and to perform subsequent data analysis.

The Inter-Parliamentary Union is responsible for the provision of data on all dimensions of the indicator. Data is directly provided by national parliaments and then made available on New Parline.

Measuring representation

• The significance of descriptive representation has been challenged in different ways. First, there is the question of what and who should be mirrored in the representative body; why be attentive to some groups (women, young people, minorities etc) but not others (the poor, LGBTI, "ethnic" groups who might not be officially recognized etc)? Second, the mirror notion of descriptive representation may be deemed dangerous if it precludes citizens from choosing representatives who do not look like them. One of the base tenets of democracy is freedom of choice at the ballot box and if one is corralled into having to vote for a candidate of your own sex or ethnicity, then that intrinsic liberty is constrained. Third, descriptive representation has the danger of ultimately becoming an end in itself. Concerns about effective representation should not end once parliament has the appropriate number of members for each minority groups. Indeed, at this stage concerns about adequate political representation should be just beginning. These members should be able to articulate minority concerns and have the same opportunities to influence policy as other members. Nevertheless, if a parliament includes none, or very few, women, young people, minorities etc., that is probably a worrying sign that their interests are not being heard. ^[9]
• Representation needs to go hand in hand with participation, with both concepts being part of target 16.7. Without meaningful opportunities for citizens to participate in parliamentary decision-making, representation alone is unlikely to automatically lead to effective popular control of the government - one of the fundamental principles of democracy (International IDEA, 2013).
• The age and sex of individuals holding decision-making positions in parliament provide an indication at the symbolic level of the way in which power is shared within this institution. However, there is no certainty that because a Speaker or committee Chair is young (or old), a woman (or a man), or belongs to a minority group, s/he will bring to the fore issues of interest to groups with the same socio-demographic profile.
• Tracking the age of MPs over time offers some measure of youth representation in parliament. However, in most parliaments around the world, leadership positions such as Speaker and permanent committee Chairs are considered senior functions which require considerable experience, and are awarded in recognition of parliamentary achievement. This means that such positions are by nature unlikely to be held by members below the ‘youth’ age bracket of ‘45 years old and under’. As such, for the positions of Speaker and committee Chairs, more relevant insights will be generated on the basis of sex disaggregation.
• IPU studies on women in parliaments^[10] have found that committees representing the three ‘hard’ policy portfolios of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Finance are traditionally male-dominated. The two other committees tracked by this indicator, representing cross-cutting portfolios of Human Rights and Gender Equality, are also of interest given their specific areas of focus. Although not found in every parliament, the very existence of these two committees suggests a particular commitment within parliament to safeguarding human rights and promoting gender equality.
• In certain countries, particularly Small Island Developing States, the number of members of parliament may be very small. Consequently, there may not be a committee system, or the committee system may not contain the same distribution by areas of responsibility as observed in the majority of parliaments. In addition, in parliaments with a very small number of members, the addition or reduction of just one or two people to the number of women or the number of young MPs may have a significant impact on the overall percentage of representation of these groups.

Methodology

• As regards the scope of ‘population groups’, while representation of minorities and indigenous peoples may be more often tracked by national parliaments due to the availability of internationally accepted definitions, the indicator also invites reporting on any other tracked population groups, including, for instance, occupational groups.
• An obvious limitation of this metadata is that it only considers members of parliament, in keeping with the focus of target 16.7 on ‘decision-making’. However, some parliaments may find it useful to also look at the composition of various staff categories such as clerks of the parliament, committee clerks or researchers, etc.
• Who holds the Chairs of parliamentary committees is largely tributary to the overall distribution of seats within the parliament. For example, parliaments with no members under the age of 30 will not have any committee Chairs under that age. Since committee chairs are typically awarded on the basis of experience and seniority,^[11] higher age groups are expected to be common among committee Chairs and Speakers.

Data collection

• In between reporting dates, it may be difficult to maintain up-to-date information on the results of by-elections held in selected constituencies to fill vacancies arising from the death or resignation of members.
• From one year to another during any given parliamentary term (typically 4 or 5 years), some Members may fall into a different age group amongst those considered for this indicator. For this reason, age of Members is collected at the time of their election to parliament.
• Age of Speakers and permanent committee Chairs is collected at the time of their appointment to the position, then verified and updated as of 1 January each year.

Recommended approach to monitoring disability and population groups:

1) Sensitivity of disability and population group data

• Efforts to promote inclusive parliaments presuppose recognition of ethno-cultural diversity^[12]. In certain contexts, population group status may prove to be a sensitive and politically charged variable. For example, several countries actively restrict or ban identification of ethnic or religious status, in order to protect vulnerable populations or discourage inter-ethnic conflict. In addition, definitions of groups that constitute a minority vary greatly between countries.
• Furthermore, there is a strong human rights principle that individuals must be able to choose to identify themselves as members of a minority, or not. It would not be appropriate for parliaments (or any other body) to assume or to assign MPs’ membership of a particular population group.
• Similarly, discriminatory perceptions and implicit bias against disability can make the collection of data by parliaments on this characteristic equally sensitive. This is partly because parliamentarians with disabilities, like everyone else, have a right to privacy and therefore are not under an obligation to reveal a disability. Moreover, in many states, information concerning disability falls under the umbrella of health data and is therefore confidential, thus preventing parliaments to release this information even on an anonymous basis.^[13]
• As a result, currently, next to no countries systematically collect data on disability among members of parliaments. As pointed out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), while collecting reliable and accurate statistical data regarding the experiences of persons with disabilities presents numerous challenges, the lack of comparable data hinders the understanding of barriers to political participation.^[14]

2) Limitations of the descriptive representation approach to tracking disability and population group status

• Unlike for sex and age, monitoring the descriptive representation of members of parliament based on disability or population group status would be neither feasible nor meaningful.
• Considering how broad the concept of disability is, encompassing various types of impairments and various degrees of severity, it would be unrealistic and unwarranted to expect a one-to-one ratio of representation in parliament. Furthermore, since national-level disability statistics are not always up-to-date, let alone available, the comparison between the share of disabled in the national population and in parliament could be unsound, or difficult to establish.
• There are similar concerns with respect to monitoring the representation of various population groups. In countries whose populations are a mosaic of many diverse groups (some of which may account for less than 1 percent of the population) an exact reflection of such pluralism in the composition of parliament would be impossible and unnecessary.
• For ethical reasons, data on disability and population group status of MPs could only be collected through individual surveys that meet required standards of confidentiality. Seeing that such practice is currently not in place, the testing of this approach will be explored in the future to establish whether surveying the world’s 46,000 parliamentarians is feasible.

3) Adopting an incremental approach

• Given the perceived sensitivity of collecting data on disability and population group status and concerns related to the feasibility and usefulness of monitoring descriptive representation, it is proposed to take stock instead of electoral and constitutional provisions guaranteeing the representation of persons with disabilities and various population groups in national parliaments.
• Reserved seats and quotas are among the most commonly utilized electoral means to ensure representation of certain groups in the political process. Above and beyond guaranteeing a minimum number of seats held by persons with disabilities and certain population groups, the existence of such provisions substantiates a country’s commitment to the right to equal participation in public and political life.
• Provisions on quotas can be found in countries’ constitutions or electoral laws (i.e. legislated quotas).^[15] Such electoral measures are used to achieve equal or balanced access to political power by increasing access to political decision-making processes of certain sociodemographic groups. In 2010, the constitutions or electoral laws of more than 30 countries included electoral quotas for various groups (e.g. ethnic, religious) that commonly go under the name of ‘minority groups’. A few countries have similar provisions for persons with disabilities^[16].
• The impracticality of looking at descriptive representation does not mean there is no merit in producing statistics on disability or population groups in parliament. Even an indicative number of MPs self-reporting disability could help parliamentary administrations around the world to better accommodate their special needs. It could also provide valuable information on the actual exercise (and not only the legal status) of the human right to equal opportunity to participate in the public and political life. When supported by concrete figures, such information can be valuable to a broad range of actors trying to identify and address barriers to political participation, including civil society, community advocates, researchers, development partners and political institutions themselves.
• In line with the proposed incremental approach, an ‘Inclusion Survey’ (see Annex and Data Sources) was developed to facilitate the collection of self-reported data on disability (using the Short Set of Questions on Disability elaborated by the Washington Group) and population group status by parliaments. This short survey module of 8 questions, developed specifically for the purpose of reporting on indicator 16.7.1(a), could be administered directly to all Members by a neutral sponsor such as a national statistical office or the IPU itself. Importantly, the introduction to the survey reassures respondents of the anonymity and confidentiality of their responses, which is essential to overcome individual reluctance to disclose sensitive personal information.

Recommendations for reporting also on the composition of local parliaments

While at present the indicator looks only at national parliaments, broadening its scope to include legislative bodies of local governments could be considered in the future, in line with target 16.7 which calls for decision-making to be representative “at all levels”. Local councils or assemblies hold important decision-making powers, including the ability to issue by-laws that influence the lives of their respective local communities. While it is premature at this stage to propose a global methodology to report on representation in local legislatures due to the varying quality of data collection systems in place at the local level, and to a number of methodological complexities (notably with regards to the need for disaggregated population statistics to be available for each administrative division, in order to compute representation ratios in each local parliament), countries should nonetheless be encouraged to track diversity in local parliaments, using methodologies appropriate to their local context. As far as global SDG reporting is concerned, a recommendation for the future inclusion of local legislatures in indicator 16.7.1(a) can be found in Annex 1 to the Methodology Development Narrative. A custodian for this part of the indicator on local legislatures remains to be identified.

• Members:

Indicator 16.7.1(a) aims to compare the proportion of various demographic groups (by sex and age) represented in national parliaments, relative to the proportion of these same groups in the national population above the age of eligibility.

To report on indicator 16.7.1(a), two ratios must be calculated, namely:

• For ‘young’ MPs (aged 45 and below)
• For female MPs

When comparing ratios of ‘young’ MPs and female MPs with corresponding shares of the national population that is aged 45 and below (for the first ratio) and female (for the second ratio), it is important to consider the population of, or above, the age of eligibility, the latter being, by definition, the lowest possible age of members of parliament. In other words, if the age of eligibility in a given country is 18 years old, the national population to be used as a comparator for the first ratio (for ‘young’ MPs) will be the national population aged 18-45 (not 0-45), and for the second ratio (for female MPs), the female population aged 18 and above.

1. To calculate the ratio for ‘young’ MPs (aged 45 and below), the following formula is to be used:

$\mathit{R}\mathit{a}\mathit{t}\mathit{i}\mathit{o}\mathit{\ }1=\mathit{\ }\frac{\mathit{P}\mathit{r}\mathit{o}\mathit{p}\mathit{o}\mathit{r}\mathit{t}\mathit{i}\mathit{o}\mathit{n}\mathit{\ }\mathit{\ }\mathit{o}\mathit{f}\mathit{\ }\mathit{M}\mathit{P}\mathit{s}\mathit{\ }\mathit{a}\mathit{g}\mathit{e}\mathit{d}\mathit{\ }45\mathit{\ }\mathit{a}\mathit{n}\mathit{d}\mathit{\ }\mathit{b}\mathit{e}\mathit{l}\mathit{o}\mathit{w}\mathit{\ }\mathit{i}\mathit{n}\mathit{\ }\mathit{p}\mathit{a}\mathit{r}\mathit{l}\mathit{i}\mathit{a}\mathit{m}\mathit{e}\mathit{n}\mathit{t}}{\mathit{P}\mathit{r}\mathit{o}\mathit{p}\mathit{o}\mathit{r}\mathit{t}\mathit{i}\mathit{o}\mathit{n}\mathit{\ }\mathit{o}\mathit{f}\mathit{\ }\mathit{t}\mathit{h}\mathit{e}\mathit{\ }\mathit{n}\mathit{a}\mathit{t}\mathit{i}\mathit{o}\mathit{n}\mathit{a}\mathit{l}\mathit{\ }\mathit{p}\mathit{o}\mathit{p}\mathit{u}\mathit{l}\mathit{a}\mathit{t}\mathit{i}\mathit{o}\mathit{n}\mathit{\ }\mathit{a}\mathit{g}\mathit{e}\mathit{d}\mathit{\ }45\mathit{\ }\mathit{a}\mathit{n}\mathit{d}\mathit{\ }\mathit{b}\mathit{e}\mathit{l}\mathit{o}\mathit{w}}$

(with the age of eligibility as a lower boundary)

where:

• The numerator is the number of seats held by MPs aged 45 and below, divided by the total number of members in parliament
• The denominator can be computed using national population figures as follows:

$\frac{\left[Size\mathrm{\ }of\mathrm{\ }national\mathrm{\ }population\mathrm{\ }\le 45\right]-\mathrm{\ }\left[Size\mathrm{\ }of\mathrm{\ }national\mathrm{\ }population\mathrm{\ }\<age\mathrm{\ }of\mathrm{\ }eligibility\right]}{Size\mathrm{\ }of\mathrm{\ }the\mathrm{\ }national\mathrm{\ }population}$

The resulting ratio can then be interpreted as follows:

• 0 means no representation at all of ‘youth’ (45 years and below) in parliament
• 1 means perfectly proportional representation of ‘youth’ (45 years and below) in parliament
• <1 means under-representation of ‘youth’ (45 years and below) in parliament
• >1 means over-representation of ‘youth’ (45 years and below) in parliament

Example:

Say in country A, 30% of the national population is aged 45 or younger (but above the age of eligibility), but only 25% of MPs fall in this age category:

$Ratio\mathrm{\&nbsp;}1=\mathrm{\&nbsp;}\frac{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}MPs\mathrm{\&nbsp;}aged\mathrm{\&nbsp;}45\mathrm{\&nbsp;}and\mathrm{\&nbsp;}below\mathrm{\&nbsp;}in\mathrm{\&nbsp;}parliament}{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}the\mathrm{\&nbsp;}national\mathrm{\&nbsp;}population\mathrm{\&nbsp;}aged\mathrm{\&nbsp;}45\mathrm{\&nbsp;}and\mathrm{\&nbsp;}below}$

(with the age of eligibility as a lower boundary)

Ratio = 0.25 / 0.3 = 0.83

(<1 since MPs aged 45 or younger are under-represented amongst MPs compared to the proportion of this age group in the national population. The ratio is close to 1 as the share of ‘young’ MPs is not too far from the corresponding share of the national population falling in this age group.)

While a simple proportion of ‘young’ MPs in parliament is not internationally comparable, a ratio computed using the above formula is. For instance, 48% of ‘young’ MPs (45 years old or younger) may be an overrepresentation of youth in country A where only 30% of the national population above eligibility age falls in this age bracket (Ratio = 48/30 = 1.6), but in country B where 70% of the national population is 45 years old or younger, the same 48% would be interpreted as under-representation (Ratio = 48/70 = 0.69). In this example, the figure of 48% is not internationally comparable in relation to the national population (it means over-representation in one country and under-representation in another), but the ratios 1.6 and 0.69 are internationally comparable. They help us understand whether 48% of MPs aged 45 years old or less is close to, or far from, proportional representation of this age group in the national population.

1. To calculate the ratio for female MPs, the following formula is to be used:

$Ratio\mathrm{\&nbsp;}2=\mathrm{\&nbsp;}\frac{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}women\mathrm{\&nbsp;}in\mathrm{\&nbsp;}parliament}{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}women\mathrm{\&nbsp;}in\mathrm{\&nbsp;}the\mathrm{\&nbsp;}national\mathrm{\&nbsp;}population}$

(with the age of eligibility as a lower boundary)

where:

• The numerator is the number of seats held by female MPs, divided by the total number of members in parliament
• The denominator can be computed using national population figures as follows:

$\frac{\left[Size\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}female\mathrm{\&nbsp;}national\mathrm{\&nbsp;}population\mathrm{\&nbsp;}\ge age\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}eligibility\right]}{\left[Size\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}the\mathrm{\&nbsp;}national\mathrm{\&nbsp;}population\mathrm{\&nbsp;}\ge age\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}eligibility\right]}$

Note: This denominator can be set at 50 in most countries, as women generally represent around 50% of the national population in any given age bracket.

The resulting ratio can be:

• 0, when there is no representation of women at all in parliament
• <1, when the proportion of women in parliament is lower than that in the national population
• =1, when the proportion of women in parliament equals that in the national population
• >1, when the proportion of women in parliament is higher than that in the national population

Example:

Say in the same country A, 10% of seats are held by women MPs and women represent 50% of the national population in the given age bracket):

$Ratio\mathrm{\&nbsp;}2=\mathrm{\&nbsp;}\frac{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}women\mathrm{\&nbsp;}in\mathrm{\&nbsp;}parliament}{Proportion\mathrm{\&nbsp;}of\mathrm{\&nbsp;}women\mathrm{\&nbsp;}in\mathrm{\&nbsp;}the\mathrm{\&nbsp;}national\mathrm{\&nbsp;}population}$

(with the age of eligibility as a lower boundary)

Ratio = 0.10 / 0.50 = 0.2

(<1 since women are under-represented amongst MPs, but this time the ratio is much smaller as sex-based representation in parliament is far from parity.)

• Speakers: No computation, as most parliaments will only have one Speaker per parliament in unicameral parliaments or one Speaker per chamber in bicameral parliaments^[17]. Personal characteristics of the individual(s) holding the position of Speaker are recorded (i.e. age group and sex).
• Chairs of permanent committees on Foreign Affairs, Defence, Finance, Human Rights and Gender Equality: No computation, as data is collected only on five committee Chairs. Personal characteristics of the five individuals chairing these three committees are recorded (i.e. age group and sex).

Computation in bicameral legislatures

In bicameral parliaments, data will be collected and computed separately for the same set of positions in each chamber.

Regional/global aggregates:

Regional and global aggregates can be calculated on the basis of the data compiled for the indicator.

• Members: Regional and global aggregates should be calculated using raw data, not the ratio
• Speakers: Regional and global aggregates can be calculated
• Committee chairs: When calculating regional and global aggregates, attention must be paid to committees that cover more than one portfolio and/or that are joint committees of both chambers in a bicameral parliament.

Effect of the age of eligibility for upper chambers on the age ratio

While in many bicameral legislatures, the age of eligibility for the upper chamber is significantly higher than that for the lower chamber, some have adopted an equal or similar age requirement for both chambers. However, regardless of the minimum age of eligibility set for upper chambers, members of these chambers throughout the world are older on average than members of lower chambers (see New Parline). As such, those upper chambers that have a low eligibility age are likely to have a lower ratio for ‘young’ MPs than upper chambers that have a higher eligibility age. In other words, in upper chambers where the eligibility age is lower, the share of MPs who are 45 or younger is likely to be considerably less than the corresponding proportion of the national population that falls between the eligibility age and 45 years old.

2023-12-15

Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)

Indicator 5.5.1(a) looks at the proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments while indicator 5.5.1(b) considers the proportion of women in local governments. The metadata developed for the latter only considers elected positions in legislative bodies of local government, thus focusing on the same positions that would be covered by indicator 16.7.1(a) at sub-national level. The Methodology Development Narrative Report for the present indicator recommends building on the methodology elaborated for indicator 5.5.1(b) for future reporting on indicator 16.7.1(a) at local level.

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